I’m lazy to rewrite what was already well written in this highly recommended article from the Journal of Social and Personal Relationships 2014, Vol. 31(6) 796–814 titled, Online dating preferences of Asian Online dating preferences of Asian Americans (offsite link direct to Google share file, PDF) by Glenn T. Tsunokai and Allison R. McGrath. I’ve excerpted the relevant parts, the data I wanted to share, here:
Asians represent one of the fastest growing racial groups in the U.S. According to a recent U.S. census report (Humes, Jones, & Ramirez, 2011), the Asian population grew by 43% between 2000 and 2010, from 10.2 million to 14.7 million. Asians constituted 5% of the total U.S. population in 2010; they are projected to represent 9% (40.6 million) of the population by 2050. As noted earlier, despite their increasing numbers, our understanding concerning the racial dating preferences of Asians is still somewhat limited in scope.
Although marriage statistics can provide some information about this particular topic—approximately 28% of Asian newlyweds were married to someone of a different race/ethnicity in 2010 (Wang, 2012)—these numbers and percentages do not always accurately mirror dating patterns.
As some researchers have pointed out, individuals who interracially date do not always interracially marry; hence, what we know about intermarriage may not directly apply to interracial daters (Fujino, 1997; Yancey, 2002). Furthermore, using marriage rates as a proxy for dating trends, our knowledge about the dating habits of gays and lesbians will remain underdeveloped since only a handful of states currently recognize same sex marriages…
The sexuality of Asians has historically been largely shaped and controlled by outside forces such as the legal system and the media (Han, 2006a; Larson, 2006; Shim, 1998).
Racial stereotypes and antimiscegenation laws were often employed as a means to maintain racial domination when minority members were perceived as a threat by the dominant group. These types of negative actions facilitated the process of otherization in which Asians were consistently seen as outsiders who were unassimilable (Shim, 1998).
For example, in the mid-1800s, Asian laborers in the U.S. were characterized as a threat during times of economic depression. They were often described as being subhuman- looking hordes who were trying to take jobs away from Whites and who were also trying to subvert White racial superiority (Shim, 1998).
This marginalization is clearly captured in an Encyclopaedia Britannica entry written in 1842 that describes a Chinese person:
A Chinaman is cold, cunning and distrustful; always ready to take advantage of those he has to deal with; extremely covetous and deceitful; quarrelsome, vindictive, but timid and das- tardly. A Chinaman in office is a strange compound of insolence and meanness. All ranks and conditions have a total disregard for truth.
As their numbers continued to increase throughout the 1800s, it became imperative for many Whites to control Asian men, especially their sexuality; consequently, in order to ensure that Asian bachelors would not seek out White women as possible romantic partners, 14 states enacted antimiscegenation statutes specifically targeting Asians (Pascoe, 1996).
Online dating preferences of Asian Online dating preferences of Asian Americans (offsite link direct to Google share file, PDF) by Glenn T. Tsunokai and Allison R. McGrath.